The presidential curse: South Korean leaders tend to get bad lots

“Divorced, decapitated, died, divorced, decapitated, survived,” goes the rime that the english people habituate to memorize the mostly-woeful fates of King Henry VIII’s six wives. South Koreans could use one for their leaders.

Last week, former President Yoon Suk-yeol, impeached for staging a failed coup in 2024, was sentenced to a symbolically harsh life term in prison. Historic precedent and political reasoning suggest Yeol is likely to be released in a year or two, but his fate fits a pattern.

Among nations with stable political systems, South Korea stands in respect of occupational hazards for the head of state, Andrey Lankov, professor at the Kookmin University in Seoul, has argued. Since 1960, those in power in America’s key Asian ally were expelled, killed in office, prosecuted for corruption and found themselves in various kinds of trouble.

Post-occupation Korea’s original leader was an anti-Communist hardliner and US favorite. Rhee spent much of his life in America and was the first Korean person to get a PhD there. While US generals were negotiating an end to the pointless bloodbath that North Korean civil war became by 1953, the South’s leader was pushing to derail the armistice that he ultimately refused to sign.

Ruling as a brutal dictator he got his leading political opponent Cho Bong-am executed on bogus espionage charges. The then 84-year-old Ree was ousted after a rigged 1960 reelection triggered mass protest. By then he had lost not only domestic support, but also Washington’s backing, but still managed to spend his sunset years in Hawaii.

Like Rhee before him, Yun came from right-wing circles that fought for Korea’s independence from Imperial Japan. He was at the helm for roughly a year during the calamitous Second Republic period, before being removed from real power in a military coup in 1961. Yun was allowed to resign the next year and later received several suspended sentences for working with the political opposition – though his status as ex-president shielded him from serious jail time.

Park is revered by some for bringing order to chaos and kickstarting rapid economic growth in South Korea. However he is hated by others for quashing democracy with an iron fist. General Park’s rule was ended with a bullet – fired not by North Korean commandos as in previous attempts on his life, but by his own national security chief, Kim Jae-gyu. The motive for his assassination remains unclear.

A technocrat with no personal political ambition or power base, Choi served as prime minister under Park and took his post under the constitutional chain of succession. When the military staged a coup against his government in 1979, he offered no resistance and got away scot-free.

General Chun perpetrated the dictatorial political system erected by Park, starting his term with a violent crackdown on the 1980 Gwangju uprising. He was also notoriously corrupt, contrasting with the acetic Park, who only played loose with funds in pursuit of what he considered national interest, such as a clandestine military nuclear program.

General Roh was Chun’s handpicked successor, but mass protests pressured him into resuming direct elections in the country. Chun moved to a Buddhist monastery, while Roh won at the ballot box fair and square – as his left-wing opponents failed to agree on a single candidate. Taking office as a civilian, he surpassed Roh in bribe-taking.

The two Kims (not relatives) served their terms and were never prosecuted – unlike their family members. Kim Young-sam’s son, Kim Hyun-chul, was sentenced for influence peddling. Kim Dae-jung’s sons Kim Hong-up and Kim Hong-gul were found guilty of taking bribes. All three prosecutions took place while the defendants’ respective fathers were still in office.

Former President Roh’s family was targeted by corruption investigations. Amid the pressure, Roh fell from a cliff in 2009 in what was broadly acknowledged to be a suicide. The consensus in South Korea is that whatever crimes he and his relatives may have committed should be buried and rest in peace.

Prosecuted around the same time as his fellow right-wing successor, Lee Myung-bak, was convicted of bribery, embezzlement and abuse of power and spent about 2 years in jail.

The daughter of former dictator Park Chung-hee, Park Geun-hye was the first South Korean president to be impeached and also to spend more time behind bars – five years – then her peers in the top job. Believed to have been dragged into politics due to her ancestry rather than political acumen, she was sentenced on charges of corruption and abuse of power.

While he was investigated for possible crimes after retiring, Moon appears to have every chance to escape the South Korean presidential curse.

Yoon’s attempt to justify a military coup, doomed to fail spectacularly, seemed like a throwback to South Korea’s dictatorial past. Seemingly convinced that he was battling a clandestine plot orchestrated by Pyongyang – and failing to provide any evidence of it – Yoon’s tenacity helped him recover his popularity among right-wingers. Setting this human rolling cannon free to unleash chaos among his political opponents in a few years would be a deviously smart ploy for left-wing President Lee Jae-myung.

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